\u00a0<\/p>\n
By Charles Barrington<\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
Turkey is finding itself in the position of unrivalled importance as regime change reshapes the face of the 21st<\/sup> century Middle East. As prime minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan goes into the June 12 election, with possibly the corner of one eye fixed on the ultimate goal of president, many of his friends and allies are staring into the unknown.<\/p>\n The Syrian regime, long a key player in the Middle East power play, has decided to fight back with full force. It seems determined to defeat the tidal wave of popular protest that smashed the regimes of Tunisia and Egypt that is threatening regimes in Libya, Yemen and Bahrain, and is now challenging state power in a dozen Syrian cities.<\/p>\n If the Syrian regime of President Bashar al-Assad fails to reassert its authority, and is , instead brought down or merely enfeebled by a prolonged period of popular agitation, the geopolitical implications could be considerable. Syria\u2019s allies- the Islamic Republic of Iran, the Shia resistance movement Hezbullah in Lebanon, the Hamas government in Gaza- would all come under pressure. For all three, loss of Syrian support would be painful.<\/p>\n Israel would no doubt view such a development with great satisfaction. It has long sought to disrupt the Tehran-Damascus-Hezbullah-Hamas axis, which has challenged its regional supremacy- even acquiring a certain deterrent capability, intolerable in Israel\u2019s eyes. But Israel\u2019s feelings might be tempered by an Islamist regime, even more threatening to its interests and security. For the moment, all that can be said is that the concessions and promises made so far by Assad have been too little, too late, and have failed to satisfy the protesters. The last few days have seen a renewed surge of demonstrations that, with their swelling numbers, fury and anti-regime slogans are beginning to seem like an insurrection. The regime has replied with live fire, curfews, massive arrests and cordons thrown around towns and villages. Some 200 protesters must have been killed.<\/p>\n The gloves are now off. In a chilling warning, the Syrian ministry of interior declared at the weekend: \u201cThere is no more room for leniency or tolerance in enforcing the law, preserving the security of the country and citizens, and public order.\u201d<\/p>\n By all accounts, hardliners inside the regime have now won the debate with the reformers, if indeed debate there was. The protesters have in turn hardened their stance as a result of the regime\u2019s harsh response. Pointing a finger at key relatives of the president- his brother Maher al-Assad, commander of the Republican Guard, and his cousin, Rami Makhlouf, an exorbitantly rich business man \u2013 some are demanding not more improvements to the way Syria is governed but a change of regime.<\/p>\n It seems clear that his speech at the end of last month \u2013 his only public intervention so far \u2013 the president missed a historic opportunity to assert his leadership and pull things back from the brink.<\/p>\n Had he announced long overdue measures such as lifting the state of emergency, freeing political prisoners and human rights activists, bringing to trial the regime\u2019s corruption big wigs, curbing the security forces\u2019 powers, allowing new political parties to challenge the Ba\u2019th party\u2019s monopoly of the past half century \u2013 he might have been able to lead his country towards a democracy on the Turkish model, as his friend and alley Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Turkey\u2019s prime minister advised.<\/p>\n He might yet save the day with a dramatic announcement of immediate reforms. But the powerful interests that depend on the regime may make such a radical change impossible.<\/p>\n Instead, Syria may be condemned to a bruising contest between regime and opposition, fought out on the street with increasing violence. The regime\u2019s armed strength could make sure that it gained the upper hand, but at great cost to its already shaken legitimacy.<\/p>\n More broadly, the region is witnessing the unravelling of alliances formed in a critical period three decades ago that saw the Egypt-Israeli peace treaty in 1979; the Iranian revolution of the same year; and Israel\u2019s devastating invasion of Lebanon in 1982, followed by its 18- year occupation of the south, which led to the emergence of Hezbullah. Having been Syria\u2019s ally in the 1973 war, Egypt changed sides and became Israel\u2019s partner in peace. Iran, Israel\u2019s ally under Shah, changed sides, under the Islamic Republic, becoming Syria\u2019s ally instead. Syria and Israel swapped partners.<\/p>\n These arrangements are now under threat. Post- Mubarak Egypt is likely to distance itself from Israel and rejoin the Arab camp, while Syria\u2019s alliance with Iran- unpopular with the Sunni majority population,- could be endangered by any change in regime in Damascus.<\/p>\n Other significant changes to the regional geopolitical map include the emergence of Turkey as a beneficent player, promoting trade and conflict resolution, and Iraq\u2019s slow recovery as a major Arab power from the devastation inflicted on it by Tony Blair, George Bush and America\u2019s pro-Israel neocons.<\/p>\n Are we then about to witness some reshuffling of alliances formed 30 years ago? Iraq and Iran, who fought a bitter war in the 1980s, could well draw closer now both are under Shia leadership.<\/p>\n Together they will form a formidable power block, America\u2019s colossal investment in men and treasure in the Iraq war will seem vainer than ever.<\/p>\n Some things, however, could remain the same. Once the crisis abates, Turkey will continue to cultivate its friendship with Syria whatever the nature of its regime, because Syria will remain a key pivot of Turkey\u2019s ambitious Arab policy. Turkey may indeed come to replace Iran as Syria\u2019s major ally.<\/p>\n Nor is the crisis likely to reduce Syria\u2019s influence in Lebanon. No Syrian regime of any colour can tolerate any hostile government in Beirut.<\/p>\n Its security, especially vis-\u00e0-vis Israel, is intimately tied to that of its Lebanese neighbour. The wave of protests engulfing the Arab world has pushed the Arab-Israeli conflict into second place.<\/p>\n But that can only be temporary. Until it is resolved, the Middle East will know no stability and peace.<\/p>\n \u00a0<\/p>\n Friday, April 15, 2011 STAR 29<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" \u00a0 By Charles Barrington \u00a0 Turkey is finding itself in the position of unrivalled importance as regime change reshapes the face of the 21st century Middle East. 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